Several years before the One Nation One Election (ONOE) Bill came to light, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) advocated for concurrent three-tier elections to Parliament, state assemblies, and local bodies. The rationale? It would free up schoolteachers to focus on students rather than election cycles.
This is a compelling argument in favor of ONOE—arguably more so than cost-saving, stability, improved governance, ending policy paralysis, and boosting voter participation. Despite court directives to minimize disruptions to academic schedules and prioritize students’ needs, it’s often impossible. For instance, in Rajasthan, the gap between assembly elections, typically held in December, and Lok Sabha polls is just a few months—clashing with examination periods when students need their teachers the most.
The dual burden of assembly and Lok Sabha polls is compounded by panchayat and municipal elections, keeping government schoolteachers tied up with updating electoral rolls and manning polling booths. School infrastructure also gets repurposed for elections, with classrooms converted into polling stations. A single election cycle would significantly ease these pressures on both teachers and students.
Election duties are time-intensive. Teachers undergo pre-election training, travel long distances to remote polling booths, and often sacrifice vacations. These mandatory non-teaching tasks inevitably disrupt academic schedules, disproportionately affecting weaker students. Even private schoolteachers have been deployed for elections, as seen in the recent assembly polls until the Bombay High Court intervened.
Although parents have filed lawsuits arguing that assigning teachers to election duty violates their children’s right to education, alternatives remain scarce. Teachers possess unique skills essential for election management, such as organizational ability, discipline, and effective communication. Their familiarity with local communities and the trust they inspire among voters make them invaluable as presiding and polling officers.
However, election duty comes with risks. During the COVID-19 pandemic, nine schoolteachers in Uttar Pradesh reportedly contracted infections during panchayat polls, leading to fatalities.
This issue has been overlooked in the broader ONOE debate, which focuses on constitutional and logistical challenges. Yet, the strain on teachers and students warrants serious consideration. Beyond elections, teachers are also conscripted for census-taking, disaster relief, and other non-teaching responsibilities.
The Opposition argues that ONOE undermines federalism and the Constitution’s spirit. However, for the first two decades post-Independence, concurrent elections were the norm without any noticeable impact on federalism. For example, the 1967 polls held in February saw simultaneous Lok Sabha and assembly elections across most states, yielding diverse outcomes. While Congress retained control of Parliament, regional parties like the DMK and Swatantra Party gained power in Tamil Nadu and Odisha, respectively.
Voting patterns often differ across elections, but this isn’t necessarily tied to timing. Delhi, for instance, has consistently elected BJP MPs since 2014 while favoring AAP in assembly elections. Meanwhile, states like Tamil Nadu and West Bengal have shown consistent support for regional parties across elections, regardless of timing.
The idea of a single electoral roll, another facet of ONOE, also holds merit. While some states maintain independent rolls, digitization makes a unified system feasible, eliminating duplication and redundancy.
ONOE’s conceptual appeal hinges on resolving legal and logistical issues. The challenge of mid-term polls remains significant—democratic processes must not be compromised for synchronization. If a government loses the people’s confidence, it must step down, and reducing a new administration’s term for alignment purposes is problematic.
A sweeping measure like ONOE ideally requires a referendum, as voters are the primary stakeholders. Since current laws don’t allow for one, the Centre must build broad-based consensus, accounting for the interests of 5 million schoolteachers and 15 crore students.
Bhavdeep Kang is a senior journalist with 35 years of experience in working with major newspapers and magazines. She is now an independent writer and author.
